Juan A. Freire

The rising popularity of dual language education programs resembles gentrifica-tion in policy spaces where the influx of privileged newcomers coincides with some form of pushing out of the former beneficiaries or their interests, which can include the promotion or exclusion of certain program models. Using critical discourse anal-ysis, we examined state policy documents regarding these programs for a trend in the U.S. toward what we call <i>fiftyfication or 50:50 eclipse</i>, that is, subtle or obvious privileging of the 50:50 model (equal language allocation) over <i>equitable</i> models that allocate more instructional time in the partner (non-English) language. Since quantitative research has consistently documented several advantages of equitable over equal language allocation, we argue that it is problematic to educational equity to find marginalization of equitable allocation in state policy documents. Such fifty-fication functions as part of what we term <i>programmatic gentrification</i>, one of three processes where programs, program options, and public discussion begin to provide less attention and benefit to marginalized communities than are provided to more privileged communities. Beyond the recognized case of Utah, we found six states whose policy documents contained contradictions and assertions that privileged 50:50. Delaware and Georgia emerged as heavily <i>fiftyfied</i> because they silenced or misrepresented relevant research, significantly privileged English-dominant stu-dents, reinforced intersectional English hegemony, and unethically overemphasized feasibility to rationalize fiftyfication.We discuss (a) consequences of this policy dis-course for educational equity, (b) future research needed, and (c) ways the field can counteract 50:50 eclipse

Literature is limited demonstrating how some in-service teachers have developed sociopolitical consciousness and why they commit to social justice. Drawing on interviews, email correspondence, and Facebook postings collected throughout a school year, this article shows the life experiences of one white dual language educator who developed sociopolitical consciousness and a commitment to social justice as a result of what I refer to as <i>conscientization calls</i> based on personal experiences and observed inequities affecting minoritized populations in U.S. and Latin American contexts. This article makes a call to promote educational equity by helping privileged pre-service and in-service teachers by using, as pedagogical tools, conscientization calls they might have received throughout their lives.<br>See link: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0013124520928608

Culturally relevant pedagogy receives limited attention in many U.S. dual language classrooms. This article focuses on understanding the barriers eight elementary Spanish-English dual language teachers saw as preventing the implementation of culturally relevant pedagogy in their urban classrooms. Employing critical sociocultural theory and drawing on pl&aacute;ticas as a method, four primary barriers were identified: lack of time, lack of culturally relevant materials, lack of knowledge, and the belief that social justice topics were inappropriate for young children. The individual and contextual issues surrounding these barriers and their implications are discussed for teacher educators and those involved in dual language education.

This multimodal critical discourse analysis is part of a larger equity audit of how the websites of 11 of the largest U.S. school districts discussed access to dual language bilingual education (DLBE). Prior research has frequently documented how administrators utilize DLBE programs to compete with one another for the supposedly necessary resource of privileged students, while deprioritizing language-minoritized students in ways that resemble gentrification. This study assessed how website content of these large (and thus influential) districts reflected or contradicted this pattern. Findings showed DLBE programming was linked frequently and strongly to themes of the school choice movement and exclusive tracking or within-school segregation. The themes were (1) a normalized scarcity of seats, (2) the privatized responsibility for transportation to those seats, (3) a discourse of having to earn ones seat, and (4) the potential to lose ones seat. We theorize this framing of DLBE policy as based in what we term mercenary exclusivity, which inequitably benefits privileged populations by inviting stakeholders to see their participation through a competitive, warlike lens. We offer equity recommendations for scholars and policymakers and call for the adoption of countervailing peaceful discourse and praxis for the benefit of language-minoritized and racialized students within DLBE.

Language education policies in the United States have affected the education of Latina/o
students, especially those en la frontera, including those enrolled in dual language education.
Pre-service and in-service teachers in the field of dual language education can benefit from
viewing Latina/o students as nepantleras/os when examining language education policies. In
addition, it is necessary for those educators to develop sociopolitical consciousness in order to
advocate for their students and to contest restrictive language education policies affecting
nepantlera/o students in the physical and/or psychological borderlands. Similarly, dual language
teachers need to support their students development of sociopolitical consciousness in order
to empower them to contest oppressive language education policies impacting their educational
lives. For this, there is a need to transform dual language education and include sociopolitical
consciousness as one of its goals.

We argue the emergence of a shift in U.S. language education policy discourses from an equity/heritage (EH) framework focused on equity for English learners and non-English heritage languages, toward a global human capital (GHC) framework linked to neoliberal considerations of the language skills of individuals and nations. This discursive shift represents a change in the audience to which language education programs are primarily marketed. Drawing on a critical approach to content analysis to test for evidence of this discursive shift in Utah, we analyzed 164 articles from 5 Utah newspapers from 2005 to 2011 that assigned value statements to dual language and bilingual education. EH values declined or changed little over time whereas GHC values increased. Policy implications are discussed.

Utahs dual language education (DL) initiative, officially introduced in 2007 and backed by unique state-level planning, is touted as a new mainstreaming of DL and is sparking interest across the U.S. Using a critical language policy lens and a mixed method approach, we asked which student groups were positioned discursively and materially to benefit the most from this policy across three types of privilege: white racial privilege, wealth, and English privilege. A critical discourse analysis conducted of five main Utah DL policy texts pointed toward already privileged student groups being discursively targeted for DL participation. Analysis of the demographics of schools housing DL programs between 2005 and 2014 showed a statistically significant drop in access for those without the three forms of privilege under study. We argue these findings are consistent with a larger trend toward the metaphorical gentrification of DL by students of more privilege than those it historically served. We discuss our concerns that as the Utah model spreads nationwide, the gentrification process threatens to position DL as the next wave in a broad pattern of inequitably distributed enrichment education within U.S. schools. We recommend steps toward avoiding this inequitable outcome.

This article provides a snapshot in time of teacher perceptions, school culture, and partnership building. We delineate how teachers perceive our partnerships purpose and its role in transforming school culture. Second, we describe how teachers express the life expectations they have and the possibilities they hope for their students and the families involved with the partnership. Finally, we outline our thoughts on moving forward with building partnership, continuing to transform school culture, and collaborating with teachers. In conclusion, we discuss the role that partnership building can have o n creating pathways to higher education for students in communities of color.

Utahs state planned model of dual language education has grown and spread rapidly. Drawing on critical race theory and LatCrit, we examined state policy documents and promotional materials for their discursive portrayal of Latinas/os. Our analysis revealed a pattern of centering the interests of the White, English-dominant majority and those without an ethnic connection to the target language, while marginalizing or silencing Latina/o interests. Implications for dual language education stakeholders are discussed.<br>See article: http://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/UzAMFxCUz7FKCt2AbUTn/full

Utahs public schools are home to an increasing number of K/16 dual language (DL) programs established through a state-centralized model that has sparked interest domestically and internationally. We theorize three potential constituencies of DLmaintenance, heritage, and world languagethen use critical discourse analysis to examine how equitably multiple official state promotional materials discursively portray these constituencies and their interests as well as what other discourses most strongly emerge. We found Utahs state DL discourses were targeted primarily toward a White, world language constituency, and we found that the explicit privileging of economic considerations discursively erased equity and local language concerns associated with maintenance and non-White heritage constituencies. We argue that this discursive misdirection represents a narrow application of the language-as-resource policy orientation. We conclude with implications for favoring a version of globalized language education that promotes local diversity and equitable access to opportunities.

This study examined Spanish-English dual language (DL) K-6 teachers in collaborative professional development as they worked towards achieving the bicultural goal of DL education, beyond traditional interpretations, and incorporating sociopolitical consciousness as a fourth goal. These two principles are part of the transformational DL educational framework. Classroom observations and teachers documents relevant to these objectives were recorded and analyzed, and teaching practices were categorized according to James A. Banks classic model of levels of integration of multicultural content. Findings show teachers trajectories varied throughout the school year. This article shows examples of multicultural teaching practices in three lessons, highlighting elements classified as contributions, additive, transformative, and social action, acknowledging hybrid forms. Results show that, when the principles of biculturalism and sociopolitical consciousness are intentional, educators can begin meeting these goals for equitable DL education.<br><br>Link: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/WPVXZZ6JMBRMPV9WERDI/full?target=10…

With most elementary dual language bilingual education (DLBE) programs being implemented as strands within schools, tensions related to inequities, unequal distribution of resources, and academic quality and demographic differences often arise. Based on a longitudinal ethnographic study and two interview phases with DLBE and mainstream teachers, this study analyzes teachers perceptions and discourses regarding tensions related to the Spanish-English two-way bilingual education program at their urban elementary school. Findings from a thematic analysis approach pointed to teachers discourses of elitism and divisiveness in relation to the DLBE strand based on racial tensions and school inequities, including what we call intra-racial DLBE gentrification. These findings are based on how educators experienced tensions regarding this bilingual program related to (a) the composition of the student body in terms of perceived quality and quantity, (b) cognitive and academic benefits, (c) resources provided by a university partnership, and (d) parental involvement. Implications for administrators and teacher preparation programs toward equity and school integration with DLBE strands are discussed.

James Bankss framework for determining the levels of integration of multicultural content in teachers pedagogy has long been a tool used by researchers worldwide. Thisarticleintroducesthe Holistic Analysis of Multicultural Teaching Framework that rethinks Bankss framework to allow research analysis to capture the hybrid and fluid aspects of teachers multicultural practices as well as the pauses in their practices over time. Data from a study on U.S. dual language teachers classroom implementation of multicultural practices serves to illustrate the utility of the Holistic Analysis framework in analyzing teachers multicultural practices. Implications for teacher educators and researchers are discussed..

A growing body of research has demonstrated that neoliberal discourses have negatively impacted dual language bilingual education (DLBE) for students designated as English learners. This study uses the concept of expropriation to refer to the co-opting and dispossessing of educational resources, opportunities, and rights from language-minoritized communities, and a shift to the reframing and reuse of these resources by white English-privileged populations for their benefit. Using Utahs DLBE model (fiftyfication, exclusion of one-teacher model, exclusion of one-way developmental bilingual education, and strict language separation policy) as a foundational expropriation reference, we evaluated which states followed this model, how they implemented it, what discourses were used, and who the beneficiaries were. Employing critical discourse analysis, we examined DLBE policy documents gathered from states websites across the U.S. and found that Delaware, Georgia, and Wyoming emulated Utahs model. Findings showed discursive gentrification propelled by English-hegemonic and neoliberal forces, which benefited white English-privileged students. We posit further analyses should consider the intersection of other policies in the context of expropriation conditions.

Historically, Spanish-speaking students have not been allowed to use their home and community linguistic practices in their schooling in the U.S., even in most Spanish-English dual language bilingual education (DLBE) programs, which require standard Spanish with strict language separation policies. These pedagogical practices have led to the reproduction of deficit language ideologies in DLBE classrooms that may harm students. In this essay, we call for programs to adopt vernacular forms of Spanish, including translanguaging practices, in bilingual and biliteracy instruction in order to meet the needs of Spanish-speaking students and combat deficit language ideologies and practices. From a critical pedagogical perspective, deliberate inclusion of vernacular Spanish (and translanguaging) in bilingualism and biliteracy is an ideal means to develop critical consciousness for students in DLBE, which can serve to combat deficit language ideologies, and aligns to the proposal of critical consciousness as the fourth goal of DLBE. We offer recommendations for teacher educators and DLBE practitioners.<br><br>See article: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/WQ4D5FN24KGH8MPDJB3W/full?target=10…

A growing body of research has demonstrated that neoliberal discourses have negatively impacted dual language bilingual education (DLBE) for students designated as English learners. This study uses the concept of expropriation to refer to the co-opting and dispossessing of educational resources, opportunities, and rights from language-minoritized communities, and a shift to the reframing and reuse of these resources by white English-privileged populations for their benefit. Using Utahs DLBE model (fiftyfication, exclusion of one-teacher model, exclusion of one-way developmental bilingual education, and strict language separation policy) as a foundational expropriation reference, we evaluated which states followed this model, how they implemented it, what discourses were used, and who the beneficiaries were. Employing critical discourse analysis, we examined DLBE policy documents gathered from states websites across the U.S. and found that Delaware, Georgia, and Wyoming emulated Utahs model. Findings showed discursive gentrification propelled by English-hegemonic and neoliberal forces, which benefited white English-privileged students. We posit further analyses should consider the intersection of other policies in the context of expropriation conditions.

Bilingual educationchiefly the subcategory of dual language bilingual educationhas been undergoing a pattern where the interests of language-minoritized communities have in several contexts been pushed out of the way. One aspect of this gentrification process has been the <i>fiftyfication</i> of dual language bilingual education policy, where privilege is placed on a 50:50 balance of language allocation between English and the partner language. Using thematic narrative analysis, we looked at the only two dual language bilingual education schools in the U.S. state of Utah with a 90:10 language allocation. Findings show that (a) the two charter schools were pressured in multiple ways to conform to the states fiftyfication policy, and (b) the schools and their Latina/o communities resisted the policy and associated pressures on behalf of their students through forms of grassroots language activism and bottom-up resistance. Although these actions ultimately resulted in the official revision of the states DLBE policy to be inclusive of multiple language allocation models, the schools had to continue their activism to benefit from the policy change as the state then moved to a separate-but-equal policy approach that continued the privileging of the 50:50 model. Implications for scholars and policymakers are discussed.

Across the United States, cities like St. Louis may be perceived as predominantly Black/White and monolingual. In such places, there are often few state resources and expertise driving the new growth of dual language bilingual education (DLBE)that is, policies and programs that aim to develop students bilingualism and biculturalism from an early age. Moreover, research rarely explores <i>how</i> DLBE programs develop within particular racial and political contexts, despite their goals to integrate diverse youth. This study focuses on the city of St. Louis to examine how DLBE policies are enacted within particular localities, especially for children from racially and linguistically minoritized backgrounds. Framed by theories of policy enactment, this analysis is part of three multiyear partnerships focused on language education in St. Louis and two school districts in similar state contexts. We found that DLBE enactment in each school system was shaped by community histories, changing demographics, and local education policies focused on racial desegregation and school choice. While each space created racially integrated schools, their enactment was shrouded by Whiteness, especially the history of magnet schools and (White) parental choice as essential for schools development. We conclude that place-based research and communal partnerships must carefully consider the unique factors shaping education reform, to recognize for and by whom new programs are truly created and to work toward more socially just, transformative educational contexts.